Showing posts with label Myanmar. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Myanmar. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 2, 2021

Military Coup Leaves Burma’s Christian Peoples Gravely Imperilled

By Elizabeth Kendal

General elections were held in Burma (Myanmar) on 8 November 2020. There were problems, mostly on account of on-going conflict and massive displacement. However, 95 percent of international observers deemed the process "good" or "very good" and a "democratic success". 

As soon became clear, Myanmar’s ruling, pro-reform, National League for Democracy (NLD) party had won a majority of seats in parliament, increasing its gains at the expense of the army-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Consequently, despite being guaranteed 25 percent of seats (as mandated by the 2008 constitution) the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) was faced with the prospect that its days as the real power in Burma were coming to an end. 

Most analysts believe the military started plotting its takeover in January, after talks with the NLD failed and the Generals realised they had lost control. On 26 January, in a press conference in the capital Naypyitaw, military spokesman Major General Zaw Min Tun laid the foundation for the 1 February coup with his unsubstantiated claim the polls were marred by irregularities and fraud. 

Myanmar’s coup regime cut of old military cloth
By Bertil Lintner, Asia Times Online, 21 Feb 2021 

Make no mistake; for the Tatmadaw, the stakes are high. As Htwe Htwe Thein writes (Asia Times Online, 15 Feb), "For decades the military has amassed wealth by controlling the state bureaucracy and establishing near-monopolies in key sectors. The reform agenda of the civilian-led National League for Democracy government threatened to weaken – albeit gradually over time – this lucrative system of crony capitalism." The Tatmadaw’s ‘conglomerates control businesses and investments in sectors ranging from beer, tobacco and consumables to mines, mills, tourism, property development and telecommunications." Not only had the NLD already taken its first steps towards de-militarising the country, it promised to tackle military domination of key parts of the economy after the 2020 election.

On the morning of Monday 1 February, the Tatmadaw staged its coup; replacing and detaining Burma’s elected leaders and State Ministers, installing themselves in the centre, and declaring a 12-month state of emergency. 

Like many others, Benedict Rogers believes that the personal ambition of coup leader commander in chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing played a big part in his decision to launch the coup. 

Benedict Rogers on the military coup in Myanmar/Burma
YouTube, CSW UK, 22 Feb 2021

Who is Myanmar’s coup leader and what does he want?
Time the world started asking questions about General Min Aung Hlaing
By Nicholas Coppel, Nikkei Asia, 23 February 2021 

If the Tatmadaw thought the masses would meekly comply, they were gravely mistaken. Instead, the coup has triggered a crisis as the people rise as one to resist military rule. By the end of February, at least 20 civilians had been killed and scores wounded and arrested as the Tatmadaw – one of the most greedy, corrupt and violent human rights abusers on the planet – strikes back with deadly force.

CHRISTIAN PEOPLES IMPERILLED

As Christian charity Open Doors rightly notes, the military takeover in Burma (Myanmar) will greatly "exaggerate existing vulnerabilities for Myanmar’s Christian minority". Christians comprise around six percent of the population; most are Protestant, mainly Baptist (1.7 million, mainly ethnic Karen, Kachin and Chin, the legacy of pioneer missionary Adoniram Judson) – along with some 750,000 Catholics. 

While the crackdown against anti-coup protestors in the major ethnic-Burman and Buddhist cities of Yangon (Rangoon) and Mandalay is being widely reported by mainstream media, the situation throughout the periphery – in Burma’s ethnic minority states (where most of the country’s Christians live) – remains, as ever, dark. 

Pay attention to what’s happening in Myanmar, Baptist pastors plead.
By Jeff Brumley, Baptist News, 19 Feb 2021

Yet it is in these ethnic minority states that the Tatmadaw has long committed its worst crimes – bombing, burning, strafing of villages; killing, torturing, raping of civilians; plundering, exploiting, trafficking and abusing – all with impunity. 

The inhumane barbarity with which the Tatmadaw commits these crimes is the product of its lust for power, its covetous greed, and its Burman-Buddhist ethnic-religious supremacism (by which it dehumanises its victims). 

Writing for The Diplomat (25 Feb), Stella Naw shines a light on the situation in Kachin State where “there is a longstanding and visible military presence, and soldiers arguably act with greater impunity due to the lack of outside scrutiny.

“This has certainly been the case in the way that soldiers have cracked down on anti-coup protesters in Kachin, who have reported being beaten, shot with rubber bullets and slingshots, and arrested over the last week.”

Naw describes how the junta moved quickly to depose the state’s NLD-appointed State Minister, and replace him with a “Kachin crony” aligned with the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). “Kachin analysts predict he will use the chief minister’s position to further enrich himself and his business associates.”

Naw also reports that “On 13 February residents of [the Kachin capital] Myitkyina noticed that the city’s primary source of electricity, the Buga power plant [which is owned by the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), a political and armed organisation that the Myanmar military has designated as illegal], had been occupied by several dozen Myanmar soldiers. People did not know why the military had asserted control over the plant, but worried they would shut off their power.”

Furthermore, Naw reports, on two occasions during 2020, coup mastermind and military chief Min Aung Hlaing made official visits to Putao – Kachin State’s northern most town (close to the border with China) – and expressed an interest in developing the remote region. Then, on 29 January 2021, just three days before the coup, “the entire unit of Myitkyina’s regional Infantry Battalion 21 – around 200 men and their family members – was deployed to Putao to be permanently based there.” 

By Stella Naw, The Diplomat, 25 Feb 2021

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has expressed concern that troops are invading towns and severing transport routes, making it even more difficult to get aid to some 100,000 displaced Kachin. 

Burma expert Benedict Rogers commented on 1 March, that among the many images to haunt him, is that of SFX (St Francis Xavier) Sister Nu Thawng in Myitkyina, Kachin State, tearfully knelling before police begging them not to shoot the protestors.

Words are not enough to stop Myanmar’s carnage
Suspension from ASEAN, sanctions and an arms embargo are needed to make the trigger-happy generals think again.
By Benedict Rogers, UCA News, 1 March 2021

Begging for mercy: Sister Nu Thawng in Myitkyina, Kachin State, Feb 2021
image source


In Karen State (around 30 percent Christian) some 5000 Christians are currently displaced in the jungle because the Tatmadaw has destroyed at least 23 villages over the past two months. In a report published on 7 February, David Eubank, founder of the Free Burma Rangers, commented that the Karen feel that “their own lives haven’t changed: they were attacked before the coup and they are being attacked now after the coup.” Karen News reports (mid Feb) that in Karen State, as in Kachin State, the Burmese Army has blocked access to humanitarian aid.

DR SASA, CRPH ENVOY TO THE UN

The ousted government has formed the ‘Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw [Assembly of the Union: i.e. parliament]’ (CRPH). 

Significantly, as Benedict Rogers writes (UCA News 1 March 2021), the CRPH has appointed, Dr Sasa, an inspirational, highly regarded ethnic Chin and Christian (and long-time friend of Rogers), as its special envoy to the United Nations. 

“Suddenly,” writes Rogers, “seemingly out of nowhere, Sasa is the CRPH’s nominated special envoy to the United Nations. His picture adorns banners across the nation. Protesters throughout Myanmar are saying that he is their only representative. He has been catapulted into national prominence.” 

And as Rogers notes, “That is both exciting and dangerous.”

For more on Dr Sasa and the suffering of the Chin people, see:
11 Sept 2019, YouTube (52:13 mins). 

While Western democracies must rally in support of Burma’s peoples, the only power that wields any influence over the Tatmadaw, is China. 

China has massive interests in Burma and while it does not want its interests or ambitions threatened by reform, neither does it want them threatened by instability. 

Rogers is appealing for “more than words”. 

“We need a global arms embargo,” writes Rogers. “We need targeted sanctions against the military’s enterprises. And we need the UN to accept the legitimate representatives of the people of Myanmar – embodied in the form of Sasa as their envoy, in close collaboration with the very courageous Kyaw Moe Tun, working together. . .” 

As for the Church – the global Church – Rogers would like to hear its voice. “So far,” he writes, “while the voice of the Church in Myanmar has been inspiring, the voice of the Church worldwide in their support has yet to be heard.”

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Elizabeth Kendal is an international religious liberty analyst and advocate. She serves as Director of Advocacy at Canberra-based Christian Faith and Freedom (CFF) and is an Adjunct Research Fellow at the Arthur Jeffery Centre for the Study of Islam at Melbourne School of Theology.

She has authored two books: Turn Back the Battle: Isaiah Speaks to Christians Today (Deror Books, Melbourne, Australia, Dec 2012) which offers a Biblical response to persecution and existential threat; and After Saturday Comes Sunday: Understanding the Christian Crisis in the Middle East (Wipf and Stock, Eugene, OR, USA, June 2016).

See www.ElizabethKendal.com

Wednesday, April 1, 2020

The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Persecuted Church.


Persecuted Christians in the developing and non-free world will find themselves increasingly at risk as the COVID-19 pandemic takes hold.

Firstly, there is the problem of systematic discrimination. As “unclean” infidels Pakistani Christians can’t get hospital treatment in the best of times, let alone in the worst of times. This will not change during a global pandemic, not in Pakistan or any place where Christians suffer systematic discrimination and persecution.

Likewise, Christian prisoners in Iran, China, Pakistan, Vietnam, Egypt, Eritrea and beyond are unlikely to be treated if infected with COVID-19 while in the prison system.

Then there is the likelihood that the COVID-19 crisis will provide hostile state and non-state actors with an opportunity to exploit security vacuums to advance their own agendas.

Christians most at risk on this count are:

Assyrians Christians in Northern Iraq where Kurds (Sunnis) and Shabaks (Shi’ites; proxies of Baghdad and Tehran) might be eager to exploit the opportunity provided by COVID-19 pandemic to complete their land grabbing campaign in the Nineveh Plains (the Assyrian homeland for millennia) – even to complete the genocide.

Christians in Nigeria and the Sahel (in particular in Burkina Faso) as well as Central Africa and the Swahili Coast – where jihadists groups and criminal enterprises could exploit the opportunity provided by the COVID-19 pandemic to expand, consolidate, establish bases and access resources.

Below are excerpts from several reports that support this view.

Elizabeth Kendal
24 March 2020

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Covid-19 sows Islamic trouble in Maldives paradise
Tourism-dependent island nation threatens to become a hotbed of religious extremism as economic desperation sets in.
By Bertil Lintner, Asia Times online 5 April 2020
(excerpts)

MALE – As tourism in Maldives plummets with the travel-restricting Covid-19 pandemic, forcing many in the globally-oriented industry into unemployment, the idyllic island nation could soon become more vulnerable than ever to extremist groups like the Islamic State.

That rising risk was apparent on February 4, when three foreigners were stabbed on the outskirts of Male, the island nation’s capital. Muslim militants later took responsibility for the attacks, the first seen in years. Rising economic desperation, some suggest, could cause more.

If upshots from a previous seismic crisis – namely the one caused by the calamitous 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami – remain relevant, Maldives could see a Covid-19 driven uptick in Islamic radicalism.   [. . .]

Terrorist groups may conduct attacks with little or no warning, targeting tourist locations, transportation hubs, markets/shopping malls, and local government facilities.”

As ex-president Nasheed pointed out, radicalization is not confined to disgruntled youths: “Radical Islam is getting very, very strong in Maldives. Their strength in the military and in the police is very significant. They have people in strategic positions within both.”

On March 28, Maldives reported its first local Covid-19 case, raising the total number to 16 with the others being foreign tourists and raising the risk of more local transmission.

As elsewhere, the island country is now in an economy-strangling lockdown, one that will contribute to the desperation and frustration of many young Maldivians and unemployed migrants.

As they inevitably seek comfort and refuge in religious beliefs, fears are rising they will be easy prey to hardline imams and extremist groups looking for new young recruits to their radical causes.

UPDATE: 
Islamic State claims first attack in island nation of Maldives
BY CALEB WEISS | April 16, 2020
for FDD's Long War Journal

Earlier today, the Islamic State claimed its first-ever attack in the small island nation of Maldives. While the reported operation did little in terms of damage, it does represent the further spread of the group’s violence. . .

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Covid-19 restores Myanmar military’s lost powers
New military-steered Covid-19 task force has given cover to a wide-reaching clampdown in the name of national stability
By Bertil Lintner, Asia Times online, 2 April 2020
(excerpts)

CHIANG MAI – After weeks of implausible official denials, Myanmar is finally facing up to the reality of its Covid-19 outbreak.

The nation may also soon face a new political reality as the powerful military, or Tatmadaw, leverages the situation to roll back recently restored democratic rights and reimpose strict social and media controls harking to its previous junta rule. . .

In mid-March, State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s government formed a 21-member committee she now heads to broadly manage the country’s Covid-19 situation.

On March 30, in a move some see as a Tatmadaw power play, another ten-member Covid-19 task force was formed to investigate cases, trace contacts of confirmed cases and clamp down including through arrests on “fake news” and “disinformation” that could cause “panic among the people.” 

The newer and more powerful task force significantly does not include Suu Kyi or even her health minister, an oddity considering the body’s Covid-19 containing remit.

Rather, it is headed by First Vice President Myint Swe, former general known for his past record of arrests and crackdowns, including a lead role in the lethal clampdown on the 2007 Buddhist-monk led “Saffron Revolution” protest.

Other task force members include all three military-appointed members of Suu Kyi’s Cabinet, namely the ministers of defense, home affairs and border affairs, and Lieutenant General Mya Tun Oo, the powerful joint chief of staff of the defense services. Five civilian ministers are also included.

Although the government has not formally declared a state of emergency, the new committee’s sweeping powers and the fact that it is headed by a former powerful general means that the Tatmadaw effectively back in the driver’s seat and no longer restricted in exercising power from behind a quasi-democratic façade fronted by Suu Kyi.

[. . .]

[The Tatmadaw's] military actions are not likely to attract much attention or protest amid the global Covid-19 crisis, though rights groups are starting to clamor about the gathering Internet and media clampdowns.

The Tatmadaw, meanwhile, is settling into its new status as the undisputed defender of the nation in a health emergency, while Suu Kyi’s elected civilian government for the first time since it was formed in 2015 is being forced to make major concessions to armed forces instead of vice versa.

The Covid-19 crisis, while still incipient in Myanmar with unknown consequences ahead, is giving rise to a new military-dominant order that once established will be hard to roll back.

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Religious Liberty Prayer Bulletin | RLPB 543 | Wed 1 Apr 2020
RLPB is published weekly to facilitate strategic intercessory prayer.

MOZAMBIQUE: JIHADIST THREAT ESCALATES
(excerpts)

Cabo Delgado is Mozambique's northern-most coastal province and the southern-most reach of the Swahili Coast. . .  An Islamic insurgency has simmered in the region since October 2017. [. . .]

On Monday 23 March jihadists conducted their most audacious and sophisticated terror attack to date. They invaded one of Cabo Delgado's largest towns, the strategic port town of Mocimboa da Praia, entering before dawn from land and sea. The jihadists fought, burned property, released prisoners, looted food and weapons 'sufficient for two battalions' and ultimately raised their black flag over police headquarters. Mozambiquan security forces were simply overwhelmed. The jihadists controlled the streets all day until military reinforcements arrived and the jihadists fled 'leaving behind a trail of blood, bodies, and missing persons'. Islamic State Central Africa Province has claimed responsibility. . .

Analysts surmise the day-long seizure of Mocimboa da Praia could mark a turning point in the insurgency. It comes just as Mozambiquan President Filipe Nyusi declares a state of emergency for the month of April, aimed at curtailing the spread of the COVID-19 virus. [. . .] (emphasis mine)

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COMMENTARY / The COVID-19 Pandemic and Deadly Conflict
Crisis Group, 31 March 2020

While the COVID-19 pandemic presents a potentially era-defining challenge to public health and the global economy, its long- and short-term consequences for deadly conflict are less well understood. Much remains uncertain, but it is already clear that the pandemic could cause enormous damage in fragile states, trigger unrest and undermine international crisis management systems. The disease is already disrupting humanitarian aid flows, peace operations and crisis diplomacy, and it could be catastrophic for civilians caught in the midst of conflict, particularly refugees and displaced people. Over the coming weeks and months, Crisis Group will offer special publications on the coronavirus and its effects on the conflict landscape.

Contending with ISIS in the Time of Coronavirus  
Crisis Group, 31 March 2020
excerpts

Even as COVID-19’s toll mounts, the world should brace itself for attacks by ISIS, which believes it can exploit the disorder the contagion is causing. This continuing jihadist threat requires the sort of international cooperation that militants hope the virus will sap. . .

. . . In a new editorial in its weekly newsletter, ISIS has told its membership that their globe-spanning war is to go on, even as the virus spreads. Moreover, it has told them that the national and international security regimes that help keep the group in check are about to be overloaded, and that they should take maximum advantage. [. . .]

ISIS published its editorial on COVID-19 in the 19 March edition of its weekly newsletter Al-Naba (the Dispatch). . .

The editorial, titled “The Crusaders’ Worst Nightmare”, reports approvingly on COVID-19’s effect on the many enemies whom ISIS collectively terms “polytheists”. “Fear of this contagion has affected them more than the contagion itself”, says Al-Naba, referring to how people across the world are shutting themselves in their homes as commerce grinds to a halt. Security forces are deploying in the streets to halt the virus’s spread, and imminent economic crisis seems likely to spark crime and social unrest. [. . .]

Al-Naba concludes from the foregoing that Muslims have a “duty” to protect themselves and their loved ones from COVID-19’s spread, but also to act. The editorial enjoins ISIS supporters to liberate Muslim captives from prisons and camps; to show no mercy to the “infidels” and “apostates” in their moment of crisis, and instead to attack and weaken them, rendering them less able to harm Muslims; and to bear in mind that the calamity befalling the West and its allies “will substantially undercut their ability to wage war on the mujahideen in the coming period”. The editorial closes by reminding readers that the best way to avoid God’s punishment – including coronavirus – is through obedience to Him, and that the act of obedience most beloved to God is “jihad” and inflicting pain on His enemies.

ISIS’s rhetorical line on COVID-19 has evolved as the virus’s geographic scope and human toll has become clearer. In January, Al-Naba reported that “a new disease spreads death and panic” in “communist China”. Then, as Iran suffered an outbreak, the newsletter gloated that the contagion was an exemplary punishment from God for Shiite Muslim “idolatry”. Now the group has apparently reconciled itself to the virus’s global spread, even as it hopes that God will specially afflict “polytheist” nations.

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COVID-19: How Pandemics Disrupt Military Operations
Sim Tack, Global Analyst , Stratfor, 25 March 2020
excerpts (Stratfor subscription required for full article).

Amid the escalating COVID-19 pandemic, countries around the world are facing widespread disruptions to not only the health of their populations and economies, but their militaries. Even if the virus itself doesn't leave key personnel severely ill (or worse), quarantine measures can still severely thwart military operations. Meanwhile, military powers such as the United States may increasingly be forced to deploy additional forces to the frontlines of unfolding COVID-19 outbreaks at home. The resulting fallout could, in turn, result in setbacks in the fight against multiple non-state actors abroad, and potentially even the long-term development of military capabilities. [. . .]

. . .In addition to military capacity geared toward balancing against other states, operations against insurgent groups and terrorist cells will be severely disrupted. Due to their asymmetric nature, these militant organizations will also not be facing the same kind of burden and responsibility of the state due to the pandemic. As troops are deployed in a COVID-19 response capacity, or have to cancel training exercises or operational preparations, the ability to rotate forces into the relevant theaters could temporarily grind to a halt. . .

[NOTE - doubtless this will have a huge impact on counter-terror operations in West Africa and the Sahel - EK.]

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Muslim Extremists Exploit Coronavirus to Promote Terrorism, Hate
by Bassam Tawil, Gatestone Institute, 25 March 2020
excerpts

As countries across the world are turning themselves inside out to prevent the spread of the coronavirus, Muslim extremists and terrorists have been expending their energy on promoting terror attacks against other Muslims as well as "infidels." . . .

As scientists and other "infidels" around the world, including Israel, are working around the clock to find a vaccine for the virus, the Muslim Brotherhood organization and some of its allies are issuing fatwas (Islamic religious opinions) that expose dangerous goals, a dangerous ideology, and a disregard for human life.  [. . .]

The Global Fatwa Index (GFI) organization, affiliated with Egypt's Dar al-Ifta and General Secretariat for Fatwa Authorities Worldwide, disclosed on March 16 that it had been monitoring and analyzing numerous fatwas on the coronavirus.

The group found that a large number of the fatwas related to the disease came from "unofficial" bodies and individuals.

The GFI Index concluded that "extremist organizations and terrorist groups are exploiting the outbreak of the virus to implement their ideology, spread chaos, terror and panic, and call into question the nation's institutions and leaders." [. . .]

An Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood fugitive, Bahjat Saber, has been using the outbreak of the virus to call for carrying out terrorist attacks against the Egyptian authorities. Saber urged Muslims who have the flu, or who are suspected of being infected with the coronavirus, to enter police stations and other government institutions in order to spread the disease.

The report noted that an intelligence document leaked by the Iraqi Ministry of Interior revealed that ISIS was seeking to recruit its coronavirus-infected members to act as "human biological bombs" in various parts of Iraq. So, ISIS wants to use its members to spread the virus among Iraqis.

The good news is that the rulings of the terrorists and extremists do not represent the views of the leading Islamic religious authorities in most Arab and Islamic countries. The bad news is that extremist Muslims and their allies are again exposing their contempt for human life, including the life of Muslims who oppose their ideology, terrorism and jihad. . .

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COVID-19 and Conflict: Seven Trends to Watch
SPECIAL BRIEFING  4 / THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND DEADLY CONFLICT
International Crisis Group, 24 March 2020
excerpts
The COVID-19 pandemic unquestionably presents an era-defining challenge to public health and the global economy. Its political consequences, both short- and long-term, are less well understood.
The global outbreak has the potential to wreak havoc in fragile states, trigger widespread unrest and severely test international crisis management systems. Its implications are especially serious for those caught in the midst of conflict if, as seems likely, the disease disrupts humanitarian aid flows, limits peace operations and postpones or distracts conflict parties from nascent as well as ongoing efforts at diplomacy. Unscrupulous leaders may exploit the pandemic to advance their objectives in ways that exacerbate domestic or international crises – cracking down on dissent at home or escalating conflicts with rival states – on the assumption that they will get away with it while the world is otherwise occupied. [. . .]

Some leaders may also see COVID-19 as cover to embark on destabilising foreign adventures, whether to deflect domestic discontent or because they sense they will face little pushback amid the global health crisis. . .
 . . . at a time when the pandemic is distracting major powers and multilateral organisations, some leaders may surmise that they can assert themselves in ways that they would otherwise deem too risky. A spate of attacks against U.S. targets by Iranian-backed Shiite militias in Iraq may well be part of a pre-existing effort by Tehran to push the U.S. out of the Middle East. But with Iran’s leadership already under enormous domestic pressure, the toll taken by the coronavirus might also affect its calculus. As we wrote, “feeling besieged and with no obvious diplomatic exit ramp, Iran might conclude that only a confrontation with the United States might change a trajectory that’s heading in a very dangerous direction”.

Similarly, the crisis may create openings for jihadist groups to launch new offensives against weakened governments in Africa and the Middle East. . . As Crisis Group has previously argued, jihadist forces tend to “exploit disorder”, gaining territory and adherents where conflicts already exist or weak states face social turmoil. . . It is possible that social and political disorder may create similar openings for jihadist actors as the crisis goes on . . .

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COVID-19: Where Most See Crisis, Some See Opportunity
By  Thomas Abi-Hanna, Global Security Analyst, Stratfor, 19 March 2020
excerpts (Stratfor subscription required for full article)

As the coronavirus pandemic monopolizes more of the world’s time, money and attention, the latest surge of violence in Kashmir between India and Pakistan highlights the potential for countries to act more aggressively with less scrutiny. But state actors aren't the only ones who will be tempted to capitalize on the current chaos. As more governments become bogged down by the virus and the economic fallout from containment efforts, jihadist groups and other non-state actors will also have the opportunity to advance their positions in security hotspots around the world. This could not only raise the risk for military escalations in those areas in the short term, but could allow militias to resurge once the global health crisis eventually subsides. [. . .]

A Convenient Cover for Militants

The global coronavirus outbreak could also create opportunities for non-state actors, such as militant groups, to regroup and eventually resurge. A primary constraint on militant activity across various security hotspots has been constant pressure from security forces. But the diversion of resources and manpower from the frontlines of many of these fights toward containing the virus will ease pressure on these groups. Likewise, these groups face a lesser risk of being directly impacted by the virus, given that many of them operate in rural and isolated regions such as spacious deserts, rugged mountains and dense forests largely cut off from the outside world. These developments will afford these groups opportunities to regroup, reorganize and engage in more training, as well as plan new activity on both operational and strategic levels. . .

Examples of potential groups that could take advantage of these developments include, but are not limited to:

  • Islamic State branches in Egypt, Iraq, Syria and Nigeria (also known as Boko Haram), among others
  • Al Shabaab in Somalia and other al Qaeda branches around the globe
  • The Maoist Naxalites in India
  • Militant groups in Jammu and Kashmir

In the coming months or even years, long term economic impacts caused by the coronavirus crisis will weaken the governments' stances against these militant groups, potentially making the latter more dangerous. Governments will have fewer resources to allocate to security forces in the fight against these groups, especially in less developed countries that are already struggling to combat them. This may allow these groups to expand their areas of operations in light of decreasing pressure. In fact, economic downturn, scarce employment opportunities and dissatisfaction with governments may even make those in the population more susceptible to recruitment by these militant groups, who will be able to offer them money, a sense of belonging and a way of lashing back out at the government. . .

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Elizabeth Kendal is an international religious liberty analyst and advocate. She serves as Director of Advocacy at Canberra-based Christian Faith and Freedom (CFF) and is an Adjunct Research Fellow at the Arthur Jeffery Centre for the Study of Islam at Melbourne School of Theology.

She has authored two books: Turn Back the Battle: Isaiah Speaks to Christians Today (Deror Books, Melbourne, Australia, Dec 2012) which offers a Biblical response to persecution and existential threat; and After Saturday Comes Sunday: Understanding the Christian Crisis in the Middle East (Wipf and Stock, Eugene, OR, USA, June 2016).

See www.ElizabethKendal.com 

Tuesday, March 8, 2016

Burma (Myanmar): 'Covert Drug Genocide'

By Elizabeth Kendal

This posting provides information to accompany Religious Liberty Prayer Bulletin (RLPB) 347 (9 March 2016) written for Global Day of Prayer for Burma (13 March 2016), focusing on what appears to be an ominous new strategy of the Burmese military to divide and destroy the ethnic nations—quietly.

In Burma, all land belongs to the central government, and though the government grants farmers tillage rights, it also grabs land back illegally when it wants to. Consequently, land is central to Burma’s civil conflicts. Struggles rage between a central government which is desperate for resources and foreign investment, and ethnic nations which would rather fight to the death than surrender their ancestral lands.

Burma’s military-drafted 2008 Constitution mandates that all armed forces in the country be placed under central military command. To that end, the government has insisted that the armies of the ethnic nations disarm and be incorporated in a Border Guard Force (BGF) under the direction of the Tatmadaw (Burmese military). Unsurprisingly, ethnic nations that have known nothing but land theft and violent military persecution are unwilling to disarm; they simply do not trust the government.

After the November 2010 elections the government claimed it had a mandate to fight “separatists” (i.e. the armies of the long-persecuted ethnic nations as yet unwilling to disarm and join the BGF). By mid 2011, war was raging. It was around that time that ethnic minority leaders began to observe unprecedented quantities drugs flooding into their towns and villages.

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BURMA: ‘COVERT DRUG GENOCIDE’
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In 1999, Burma launched a 15-year plan to stamp out poppy cultivation—a deadline that has since been extended to 2019. However, instead of eradicating poppies, Burma has witness the growth of a commercial industry, fuelled by military involvement and by demand in China, Australia and beyond. Producing 25 percent of the world’s opium, Burma is now the second largest producer, surpassed only by Afghanistan.

ETHNIC MINORITY REGIONS BEING INUNDATED WITH DRUGS.

As noted in the report, Third Myanmar Opium Farmers’ Forum Pyin Oo Lwin, 11–12 September  2015, “Many opium growing regions are located in conflict affected areas.”  Participants in the Opium Farmer’s Forum report many links between drugs and conflict, noting that most ethnic armed opposition groups striving for self-determination and more autonomy have an anti-drug policy, while a large number of militia groups and Border Guard Forces (BGFs) backed by the Burma/Myanmar army, are stimulating and taxing opium cultivation while also maintaining active involvement in heroin and amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) production. (See report, pages 8-10, “Drugs and Conflict”).

According to the opium farmers, the Burmese military collect a poppy-tax, or bribe, to allow poppy cultivation. Then they might slash one field and extort money to protect the remaining fields. Military personnel also confiscate drugs from dealers, before selling the drugs back to locals, without arresting the dealers.

According to a 27 February 2016 opinion piece by Pangmu Shayi, published in Kachinland News: Ethnic armed groups willing to convert to border guard forces are given free rein to operate massive poppy cultivation and drug trafficking in their areas. Kachin State Special Region No. 1, encompassing the Pangwa, Kanbaiti area on the borderlands with China, fits this description perfectly.”

At the time of the Nov 2010 elections, only two armed groups had signed up to disarm and join the junta’s Border Guard Force: the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) and the New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDAK).

And as Pangmu Shayi (Kachinland News) notes: “Special Region No.1 is the fiefdom of notorious drug lord Zahkung Ting Ying, leader of New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDA-K) turned border guard force. He was reelected to the Upper House in November [2015] after banning the NLD from campaigning in his territory. And it is this region, with its thousands of acres of poppy fields, that the Pat Jasan has targeted for its poppy clearing mission.”

PAT JASAN

Two years ago in Kachin State, with the drug problem reaching catastrophic proportions, the Kachin Baptist Convention (KBC) formed a group called Pat Jasan (lit. Prohibit Clear): a Kachin community-based drug-abuse eradication network.

Before they can be harvested, Pat Jasan units go in and slash poppy fields, often beating poppy farmers and dragging them off to faith-based drug rehabilitation centres. Though excesses have been reported, Baptist and Catholic leaders are working together to create a more disciplined and compassionate force. Boasting some 100,000 members, the Pat Jasan operates with full government support.

As might well be imagined, this is risky business, and exceedingly dangerous work. Pat Jasan members face opposition not only from poppy farmers whose livelihoods are risk, and from the militias and Border Guard Forces who protect them, but also from police and military personnel accustomed to taking bribes and receiving kickbacks.

On 3 February, a teenage member of Pat Jasan was shot dead and three others injured by sniper-fire while clearing poppy fields, causing the government to call a halt to the program. Undeterred, Pat Jasan members swelled to some 2,400 in Waingmaw township, keen to continue with the poppy eradication program. A stand-off ensued.

After several rounds of negotiation, the Kachin anti-drug campaigners and authorities agreed, on 23 February, that poppy clearance would go ahead in Sadon and Kan Pai Tee sub-townships of Waingmaw, under the protection of a 200-strong security team.

“Police, firemen and military troops will go together with the group,” said Kachin State Police Colonel Chit Oo . “Around 200 troops will go. We will not block them again and we will protect them from danger, especially from armed groups.”

Kachin Baptist Convention general secretary Reverend Samson Hkalam welcomed the agreement and said the authorities should be collaborating with the vigilante group instead of blocking its activities.
“I think that the authorities realise the importance of poppy destruction and they understand they need to cooperate with the anti-poppy activists for the good of our country,” he said.

“The military and police will accompany us and provide security,”  Pat Jasan's Daung Hkaung told UCA News. “We are going to six areas of opium poppy fields in Kambaiti township, Kachin State.”

According to UCA News, though the distance to the opium areas was around four hours by car, most of the group were walking.

“We are eradicating drugs because it destroys our younger generations,” Ying Kyang told UCA. “In Kachin state almost every family has drug users.”

On 24 February, as Pat Jasan volunteers started clearing some 20,000 acres of poppy in Sadon and Kan Pai Tee, an ethnic Kachin National League for Democracy (NLD) lower house MP for Waingmaw, U Lagan Zal Jone, submitted an urgent motion calling on the union government to support the fight against drugs, and assist and protect volunteers from possible attacks.

On 25 February, as more than 20 lawmakers discussed the urgent motion, unarmed Pat Jasan volunteers came under attack from militants armed with automatic weapons, grenades and improvised explosive devices. Locals who came to help the Pat Jasan activists were also attacked; cars and tents were set on fire. Eventually Pat Jasan retreated back to Waingmaw township. The security team did not intervene in any way. “We don’t understand why security forces avoided helping us,” said U Tan Gong. “We are suspicious of them.”

Twenty-seven Pat Jasan members were seriously injured,
requiring transportation back to Myitkyina General Hospital; two later died of their injuries.

Myanmar Times reports: “Pa Ja San members suspect their attackers came from two groups, a militia connected with the Tatmadaw [Burmese military] that no one was willing to name, and the former New Democratic Army-Kachin, a splinter faction of the Kachin Independence Army that became a border guard force. The NDAK was led by U Zahkung Ting Ying, now of the border guard, and an elected Amyotha representative.”

Meanwhile, also on 25 February, the motion before the parliament, to support the anti-drug movement and protect its volunteers, was approved with a majority of votes.

Since then however, nine of Pat Jasan’s leaders have been questioned by the police. “The way they questioned us was like they were interrogating criminals,” said Zung Ding, a Christian pastor and leader within Pat Jasan.

“Since we have heard that the poppy farmers are planning to sue, it is very possible that the police have accepted the case. If not, we would not be questioned like this,” said Zung Ding. “When we asked the police if the poppy farmers of Wai Moe village had filed a lawsuit against us, they gave no comment.”

He told The Irrawaddi, “If they file a case, we have to face it.’

ETHNIC GROUPS SUSPECT ULTERIOR MOTIVES

Many ethnic minority leaders are convinced that the military is directing poppy cultivation and funnelling opium into ethnic regions with the ulterior motive of dividing and destroying the ethnic nations.

‘They want to kill [us] indirectly,’ says a Karen leader, L.t General Nerdah Bo Mya, in a YOUTUBE appeal. ‘They are putting a lot of drugs into our territory, [so as to ] make the up-coming generation so stupid that they cannot really think about politics . . . or their motherland.’

This fits exactly with Pangmu Shayi's 27 Feb piece in Kachinland News:

“There are those who condemn the vigilante tactics of Pat Jasan, the community-based Kachin drug abuse eradication network. The criticism would be justified, if under normal circumstances. But the times, they are not a-normal, to channel Bob Dylan. These are desperate times, and desperate times call for desperate measures. How desperate are the times? Let me count the ways:

“An overwhelming number of Kachins – young and old, male and female, rural and urban – are drug addicted. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reports that Kachin State has the highest HIV rate among drug users in South East Asia. The AIDS epidemic has now reached such crisis levels that it is endangering even lower-risk groups like girls and women.

“The Kachins therefore consider opium and related drugs to be their ‘principal and most destructive enemy’. They firmly believe that if not addressed effectively and in time, the Kachin, a minority ethnic group in Burma with an estimated population of just over 1.5 million, could soon become an ‘endangered species’.

“Furthermore, the ease with which drugs are being flooded into Kachin towns and villages, especially targeting Kachin youth, gives rise to the widespread perception that a covert drug genocide is being waged against the Kachin.”

Led by the Kachin Baptist Convention, Kachin citizens are risking much to save their children, their families, and their nation from an insidious silent slaughter.

Shayi concludes: “Assessing Pat Jasan gains at this juncture, regardless of whether their poppy eradication efforts can continue or not, the campaign’s ability to expose long held suspicions that government itself is the major contributor to the drug abuse problem – from pervasive official corruption, to the impunity with which border guard drug lords and their Chinese compatriots have been allowed to engage in the drug trade – is no small feat.”

International support from states that value life and liberty would ensure their efforts will not have been in vain. Christian too must support their threatened brothers and sisters through advocacy, aid and prayer. Prayer for Burma: Psalm 56.

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Elizabeth Kendal is the author of
Turn Back the Battle: Isaiah Speaks toChristians Today
(Deror Books, Dec 2012).

This book offers a Biblical response to persecution and existential threat.

Wednesday, September 5, 2012

BURMA: new report exposes religious persecution of ethnic Chin Christians

On 5 September, the Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) released an important and impressive report that will surely make a valuable contribution to the debate around Burmese reforms. The Chin are a Christian people with a strong Christian culture. And as CHRO's programme director, Salai Za Uk Ling points out: "Chins continue to face religious persecution. Despite strong government reforms, these efforts have yet to be extended to religious freedom."

Burma expert Benedict Rogers remarks in his Foreword, that while there are positive signs and grounds for optimism, "there is a danger of premature euphoria. . . . There is still a very long way to go," says Rogers. "The change of atmosphere has not yet resulted in a change of system."

Rogers, who has written widely on Burma and is Christian Solidarity Worldwide's East Asia Team Leader, rightly notes: "One of the most under-reported aspects of Burma's human rights record has been the regime's discrimination and persecution of religious minorities and violations of religious freedom."

Threats to our Existence: Persecution of Ethnic Chin Christians in Burma
Chin Human Rights Organization (CHRO) 5 September 2012

According to CHRO, "The denial of religious freedom – particularly for minority groups such as the Rohingya Muslims and Chin Christians – is rooted in discrimination on the dual basis of ethnicity and religion. This endemic discrimination is arguably a product of extreme Burman nationalism based on a distorted version of Buddhism, held by Burma's military rulers." (page 6)

". . . the denial of religious freedom by the authorities in Burma today must be understood in the context of extreme Burman nationalism predicated on a distorted version of Buddhism, characterized by the SLORC/SPDC regime. Widespread restrictions on freedom of religion were a central pillar of SLORC/SPDC’s drive to ethnically, culturally, linguistically, and religiously homogenize the ethnic minority areas of the Union of Burma as part of an unwritten forced assimilation policy." (page 16)

Chapter 4 of the report (pages 43-82) provides case studies of the discrimination, repression and persecution suffered by Chin Christians. Cases cover the closure of churches, the destruction of crosses, the disruption of worship services and conferences, the intimidation and harassment of pastors and missionaries, the sexual violence and torture being committed against church workers and Christian civilians, and the exploitation of Chin civilians in forced labour -- includes portering for the Burmese Army and building Buddhist pagodas, monasteries and statues all throughout the state.

The whole of Chapter 5 (pages 83-112) focuses on the induced and coerced conversion of Chin Christians to Buddhism. Systematic discrimination and persecution creates crippling poverty and hardship, which in turn presents the state with an opportunity. As the government offers free education and food through Buddhist monasteries and to those who convert, suffering families feel great pressure. This is also why it is in the government's interests to keep the ethnic-religious minority regions poor, hungry and deprived.

For two excellent summaries, see:

Christian Chin ‘Coerced to Buddhism by State’
By Charlie Campbell, for The Irrawaddy, 5 Sept 2012

Christians face systematic discrimination in Chin state
By HANNA HINDSTROM, 5 September 2012
Democratic Voice of Burma

Thursday, February 25, 2010

Burmese troops crucify Karen women. 24 Feb 2010

NOTE: Sunday 14 March is Global Day of Prayer for Burma http://www.prayforburma.org/

On Thursdy 24 Feb 2010
, the Karen Women’s Organization (KWO) released a report entitled “Walking Amongst Sharp Knives” (see: http://democracyforburma.wordpress.com/2010/02/25/walking-amongst-sharp-knives-by-karen-women/ ) in which they report horrendous attrocities committed by the Burmese military. According to the report, on one occasion, Burmese troops crucified Karen women before cutting their throats.

While the attrocity is horrendous in its own right, why would Burmese soldiers bother to crucify these women unless they were wanting to make a religious statement? Around 40 percent of all Karen are Christian. Ethnic and religious repression and persecution (long a reality in Burma) are escalating ahead of elections scheduled for later this year.

KWO’s report on horrifying abuse of women village chiefs
News - Mizzima News
Report by Usa Pichai
Thursday, 25 February 2010 16:06
http://www.bnionline.net/news/mizzima/7988-kwos-report-on-horrifying-abuse-of-women-village-chiefs.html

Report: Myanmar troops commit atrocities
By DENIS D. GRAY
24 Feb 2010
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/02/24/AR2010022404909.html

Burmese troops 'rape and murder' Karen women chiefs
25 Feb 2010
http://www.thisislondon.co.uk/standard/article-23809821-burmese-troops-rape-and-murder-karen-women-chiefs.do

See also:
International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma
http://www.nobelwomensinitiative.org/blogs/burmatribunal

Escalating repression

Anmesty International warns of increased repression of Burma's minorities before election
16 Feb 2010
http://www1.voanews.com/english/news/asia/Amnesty-International-Warns-of-Increased-Repression-of-Burmas-Minorities-Before-Election-84475707.html

AI report:
Document - Myanmar: The repression of ethnic minority activists in Myanmar
16 Feb 2010
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA16/001/2010/en/183ebaaa-6f76-4d61-952b-8555034d56fd/asa160012010en.html
see particularly:
4.2 Oppression of [Christian] religion and ethnic minority identity among the Kachin, Karen, and Chin

Ethnic Chin flee persecution in Burma
Dr Graham Thom, Refugee Coordinator 5 February 2010, 12:26PM
http://www.amnesty.org.au/refugees/comments/22494/

Civil war could be imminent

Burma's Kachin army prepares for civil war
22 Feb 2010
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8528985.stm

BACKGROUND

Ethnic Kachin Christians live under duress
11 Dec 2008
http://www.kachinnews.com/Feature/Ethnic-Kachin-Christians-live-under-duress-feature.html

World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Myanmar/Burma : Kachin (2008)
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,463af2212,469f2cd92,49749cdec,0.html

ALSO

Christian Solidarity Worldwide
http://dynamic.csw.org.uk/country.asp?s=id&urn=Burma
in particular:
Carrying the cross 23 Jan 2007
http://dynamic.csw.org.uk/article.asp?t=report&id=36